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Comuni@cción

Print version ISSN 2219-7168

Comuni@cción vol.12 no.1 Puno Jan-Mar 2021

http://dx.doi.org/10.33595/2226-1478.12.1.469 

Original article

Socio-environmental Problems Surrounding the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project Province of Canas - Cusco

Ronny Andree Chacon Guevara1  a 
http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2484-8404

Emilio Flores Mamani2  b 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3673-6613

Delmia Socorro Valencia Blanco1  c 
http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3198-5415

Nilda Quispe Cornejo3  d 
http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7765-6276

1 Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco, Perú

2 Universidad Nacional del Altiplano, Puno, Perú

3 Dirección Desconcentrad de Cultura de Cusco, Perú

Abstract

Confrontations between private companies and local populations are constantly taking place in Peru in the process of energy extraction due to changes in the socio-economic, environmental and cultural aspects of the peoples. The objective was to analyze the socio-environmental conflicts between the construction company Odebrecht and the Peasant Communities of the Province of Canas - Cusco involved in the project Improvements to the Energy Security of the Country and Development of the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline. The informant population was 320 of 8 peasant communities and representatives of the company, the design is ethnographic and qualitative method. The results show categorical opposition of the residents to the construction of the project, due to the disagreement with the wrong actions of the company in the processes of dialogue, interrelation and communication. It is concluded that environmental impact projects without an established social, cultural, economic and environmental baseline generate complex confrontations to solve.

Keyword: Social problems; conflicts; peasant communities; extractive companies; environment

Introduction

The socio-environmental problem is a negative situation characterized by a series of discrepant and hostile elements that cause damage and alterations in a living space. It is a natural phenomenon typical of the coexistence process, it has been present accompanying the process of the development of societies, from the most primitive times to the current ones, from the simplest to the most complex. However, a few decades ago a scientific approach to the study of conflict began, especially in the area of social sciences.

Conflict is the intentional clash between two beings or groups of the same species that externalize towards each other a hostile intention in relation to a right, and that, to preserve, try to break the resistance of the other using violence (Entelman, 2005). The possibility of examining a conflict, be it between social groups or between countries, demands to be in a position of a concept that provides analysis and demarcates the scope of study (Castro, 2013). Then, any analogy of opposition between two parties with incompatible objectives is conceived by conflict. These two definitions not only complement each other, but also show a necessary condition of barrier and distancing.

Conflictive interaction like any process has motives, causes and consequences, where the parties disagree or have conflicting positions in relation to the distribution and / or control of scarce materials or symbolic resources. Culture establishes what resources are considered scarce, condemns strategies that seek profit or control, and creates certain institutions for conflict management when they appear (Ross, 1995). Thus, culture is understood as established practices and habitual values in a particular society, which lives in a perfectly defined place. Not all cultures value the same objects and entities in the same way, therefore, each conflict must be understood in its specific sociocultural context in which a minimum of two parties struggle at the same time to obtain the same set of scarce resources (Ortiz, 1999). It involves minimal conditions such as: scarcity, deterioration or deprivation. From a sociological perspective, the origin of conflicts lies in the collision of interests of social actors that respond to dissimilar identities and spatial-temporal contextualities, to different dynamics of social and power relations (Debuyst, 1999). So, they are social processes of confrontation characterized by intentions, motivations, purposes and abilities in relation to a common goal (Tanaka, 2007).

In Peru, conflicts have grown more intense, lasting and with more complex agendas in recent years, mobilizing an increasing number of people who perceive themselves as affected or excluded by the activity, 50% of the reported cases by the Defensoría del Pueblo (2005) they were categorized as socio-environmental, of which around 80% involve the development of energy projects. Peru is a latent scenario of oppositions where the problem is not addressed in a strategic way with a systemic, contingent and dynamic management model.

Studies carried out frame the conflictive situation in rural areas with attractive energy and mineral resources for private companies with investment intentions, where viability is denial because they consider that the projects do not produce anything positive, on the contrary, they threaten local environmental security and regional (De Echave et al., 2009). The Tía María - Arequipa project, represented a set of reasons and interests that motivated the protest due to the fear of a sector of the population due to water contamination, damage to crops, socioeconomic consequences and lack of trust translated into bribes to the leaders that generated the rupture of dialogue and rejection of the project (Basombrío et al., 2016). In the Peruvian Amazon, the Shell company, the majority shareholder of the Dutch Crown, entered Camisea with all the guarantees of the State for oil extraction, causing a negative imbalance in its cultural, social, ecological, economic and health aspects (Paredes, 1996). In other countries, such as the conflict over the pulp mills in the Uruguay River and the conflict over the environmental recomposition of the Matanza-Riachuelos basin due to the availability, accessibility and management of water, revealed key dimensions that highlight the institutional breakdowns systemic in Argentina (Merlinsky, 2017). These companies break into indigenous territories and protected areas, their purposes generating serious environmental conflicts with local communities (Gavaldá, 2005).

It should be specified that social problems should not be seen as something negative, on the contrary, it can be understood as a means to achieve social changes and correct errors, from a perspective of understanding and mutual agreement between the parties involved from its dialectical dimension and politics, recognized as a normal fact that is present in the daily life and experience of man and societies. This does not mean that the consequences, often serious, dehumanizing and tragic, that a conflict can bring and that are evidenced in pain, death, suffering, destruction, fear, etc. are not seen. Therefore, it should be clear that, although conflict is a reality that cannot be avoided or banished, it must function as a driving tool to prevent and eliminate violent and destructive consequences.

Socio-environmental conflicts are linked to approaches about the misuse and exploitation of natural resources that spoil the ecosystems and the surrounding cultural space, but these are worsened when there is an economic benefit from a third party. These can lead to modifications, changes and / or disarticulation in the structure of relationships between various actors within societies (Ortiz, 2004). Therefore, it would cause the destabilization of the human group, generating alterations within the environment or social group. It should be emphasized that the scarcity of resources, the large-scale movement of populations, the deficiencies in the political and legal structure, are the causes that make up the socio-environmental conflicts.

The interaction and interdependence between man and nature is fundamental, and the latter being a living space for predetermined ends and not a means to achieve those ends (Orellana, 1999). Therefore, the existence of two or more groups, with opposing views and interests, that dispute among themselves the use, control, access or management of spaces or natural resources causes instability. Weakly regulated and controlled extractive activities are sources of pollution that translate into collateral damage to third parties, generate cost overruns in agriculture due to the decrease in the quality and quantity of water. Society perceives, defines and assesses that a certain threatening environmental context reaches a publicly constituted social response, aimed at its remediation or neutralization (Lezama, 2004).

Socio-environmental conflict seen from political ecology reveals new lights of analysis based on: disputes over access, use, control and ownership of the environment, as well as its social construction; the dispute over the environment, considered a living space and ecological, economic and sociocultural survival; the deployment of heterogeneous organizations, practices and forms of expression; and the configuration of these as part of a local and global political, economic and sociocultural context (Paz, 2014). Consequently, socio-environmental problems result from a process of social construction, by which a certain empirical reality becomes an object of public interest when society develops the understanding and awareness that it is facing a threat, a danger or a strange event. Therefore, it is obliged to implement strategies aimed at evaluating and responding to this situation, being the center, the problems related to the environment, on the one hand, in how environmental issues are turned into problems, and, on the other, in the authority and social legitimacy of the different demands on the environment (Aranda, 2004).

In the current context, the different transnational companies have set their investment gaze on areas that have different energy and economic potentials. These receptor spaces when interacting create a kind of unfavorable correspondence due to the negative consequences caused by the introduction of these companies. This condition is called “dispossession” (Harvey, 2004), it is framed in geographical expropriation, economic expropriation and ecological expropriation. Therefore, the transnationals do not have any multiplier commitment to social welfare, or to drag local producers to the common benefit of the farms they command.

On the other hand, the State is the employer of violence and builder of legality (Seoane, 2012). It is a class power that makes laws more flexible so that the different designations of capital take over the productive and financial resources. In this sense, the State allows the depredation of environmental assets (land, air, water) and the proliferation of environmental degradation, transforming nature into merchandise.

For the Peasant Communities, their daily experience is at stake, while for companies and the State it is translated in terms of order and rationality, the purpose of which is to accustom social activities so that they are consistent with an economic project (Fontaine, 2003). The consequences are the impact on the economic dimension, the productive fabric, the political dimension, the social dimension, privatization of public services and the increase in gender inequalities and the cultural dimension.

The objective of the article is to analyze socio-environmental conflicts within the contradictory situation of the Project “Improvements to the energy security of the Country and development of the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline” and “the rural communities of Canas - Cusco” during the years 2016 to 2017.

Methodology

The investigation has had the participation of the Peasant Communities of the districts of Túpac Amaru (Pampahuasi, Toccoccori, Ccochapata, and Ccotaña), Yanaoca (Pongoña, K´ascani, Chignayhua and Hanccoyo). For the collection of sociodemographic information, it was based on the municipal database and investment projects in each sector, in the same way, the investigative nexus of the company was characterized by the mediating contribution that the researchers had within both spaces (worker of the company), facilitating an understanding before, during and after each process, evidencing its effectiveness.

The selected sample was made up of 320 inhabitants determined intentionally under the criteria of key and representative informants in their community. In relation to the characteristics of the sample, they were residents of legal age: community authorities, community leaders, heads of households, registered community members, community relations members, and others.

The study considered ethnographic design in its realistic or mixed typology, which has a partially positivist sense; collecting quantitative and qualitative data on the problem (Valderrama, 2019). Within the investigative approaches, the qualitative was used through the hypothetical deductive method that leads to establish the observations and explanations of reality made in the light of a theory, verified and contrasted by means of the collection of objective empirical information. Said method was embodied to dissent the theoretical and objective information. In this sense, the theories that guided the process were: conflicts, socio-environmental conflicts and accumulation by dispossession and the categories of analysis correspond to: Socio-environmental conflicts, Company, State and Peasant Community.

The unit of analysis was made up of the inhabitants of the aforementioned Peasant Communities. On the other hand, the unit of observation was the different socio-environmental problems raised between the Peasant Communities and the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project. Contemplating that the unit of analysis is the object of study that has the characteristic of being abstract and the unit of observation is the data or facts about which the questions are made. It should also be noted that the investigation process has lasted one and a half years, from 2016 to July 2017.

The technique was participant observation, verifying in a face-to-face and experiential way the different socio-environmental conflictive events, also the interview according to its form was unstructured, which served to obtain information on both objectives, using open questions, without a pre-established order, acquiring characteristics within context (Pardo de Vélez and Cedeño, 1997). This is the classic dialogue between the interviewer and the interviewee where the person questioned enjoys all the freedom to express about a case or a question asked.

In relation to the instruments, the filming camera was handled confidentially, due to the repercussions that photographic and video captures could cause. Having to resort to the field notebook to record in detail the different highlights. Similarly, the interview guide was the instrument that directed the fieldwork and collected information, composed of 30 questions with the criteria to be identified within the inquiry perspectives (Pinilla 2008).

Results and Discussion

Perspectives of the rural communities of Canas regarding the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project.

Project beginnings

The Province of Canas - Cusco is considered within the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline project as one of the areas of direct influence, within its territory there were a series of modifications regarding the place where the pipeline construction line would pass. In 2013, the project began under the responsibility of Kuntur (Gas Transporter), the route was through another sector involving the territories of: Pampamarca, Yanaoca, Layme and Llallapara, all the Communities in question belonging to the province of Canas located on the right bank of the Vilcanota river. The company had a short period of participation carrying out superficial information tasks. However, in their eagerness to obtain a social license, they approved and gave away petitions made by the residents.

In 2014 the company Odebrecht and Enagas won the public tender for the construction, operation and maintenance of the project, both members of the Consorcio Constructor Ductos del Sur. For the execution of the works, a series of analyzes and environmental impact studies were developed - EIA, which concluded to modify the initial trace (pipe matrix) of the project, changing its location to other sectors, due to the consecutive impact on its journey to the Vilcanota River, for this reason and so that in the future there is no damage to the natural resource, the initiative was taken to modify it, involving 8 new Peasant Communities located between 3,600 and 4,000 meters above sea level belonging to the districts of Túpac Amaru (Pampahuasi, Toccoccori, Ccochapata, and Ccotaña) and Yanaoca. (Pongoña, K´ascani, Chignayhua and Hanccoyo).

The arrival of the project

With the new company in charge of carrying out the construction of the Southern Peruvian Gas Pipeline, the link and initial contact with the different Peasant Communities began to be made. The first meeting was in 2015, requesting the corresponding permission from the community authorities to be able to explain the project and present themselves to the population, those in charge of carrying out these tasks were the community relations members. At first, the villagers were anxious about the arrival of the project, because they heard that it would bring benefits and work. There were comments from the other sectors that it was similar to the company "kuntur" that provided gifts.

The project provided a series of positive and negative factors, with the latter taking precedence, which alluded to modifications within their natural and social environments, causing imbalance and instability due to the inclusion of new external factors argues. The clash of interests of social actors that respond to different identities and spatial-temporal contextualities, in the same way to different dynamics of social relations, makes possible different routes of action (Debuyst, 1961). In this sense, the connection and interaction between both parties is a key process to redefine internal relationships within themselves and between them, satisfying interests. The fear and uncertainty of the negative impact on lakes, rivers and agricultural lands that are basic and essential elements for the production of their food, constitute a risk to the health and life of the people who inhabit the areas of extractive projects, context in the which, there are conflicts between the economic benefit (extractive) and social interests (Muñoz-Duque, Pérez and Betancur, 2020). In this sense, the activities carried out by the company must be evidenced in a transparent and fair manner and for the benefit of the population, leaving aside actions of deception and lies.

The environment is considered a space for ecological, economic and sociocultural life and survival, it is deployed in heterogeneous practices and forms of expression as part of a local and global political, economic, sociocultural context (Paz, 2014). The research agrees with the author's notion, considering that natural and cultural spaces are essential for the development of human beings, evidenced in the respect, care and harmony that the inhabitants of the province of Canas defend.

Communicative relationships in environmental impact projects are essential, each sector has different interests and motivations that can be opposed by inadequate communication actions. This may have a speculative nature of the information due to the lack of specialization (Rodríguez, 2011). Therefore, communication is an express struggle between at least two interdependent parties who perceive that their goals are incompatible, their compensations are reduced and the other party prevents them from achieving them (Borisoff, 1991). Likewise, the proposals contrary to their interests, cause the stagnation of one of the parties, presenting incompatibilities with respect to the expectation of access to economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital that allows them to supply their needs and motivations (Cuesta, 2011). In this context, it is agreed that the relationships between the company and the communities studied were weakened by a series of unfavorable engagement mechanisms, evidenced in the lack of dialogue, little information and commitment. One aspect to highlight was the lack of command of the local language (Quechua), essential for a fluid, adequate and understandable communication. Causing insecurity in the population by not knowing with certainty what activities the company will carry out. In the same way, coexistence in the environment did not generate bonds of trust, on the contrary, they were seen as visitors or outsiders who only appeared to request a request sporadically.

Table 1 Initial perspectives on the project Gasoducto Sur Peruano - Peasant Communities of the district of Túpac Amaru. 

Positive Negative Total %
PAMPAHUASI 80% 20% 100
TOCCOCCORI 50% 50% 100
CCOCHAPATA 10% 90% 100
CCOTAÑA 30% 70% 100

Table 2 Initial perspectives on the Gasoducto Sur Peruano - Campesino Communities project of the Yanaoca district. 

Positive Negative Total %
PONGOÑA 30% 70% 100
K´ASCANI 40% 60% 100
CHIGNAYHUA 40% 60% 100
HANCCOYO 70% 30% 100

Tables 1 and 2 show the positions of the inhabitants, the community that has a positive position regarding the beginning of the project is Pampahuasi with 80% and 70% Pongoña and Hanccoyo, on the contrary, Ccochapata, Ccotaña, K´ascani and Chignayhua, have a relatively negative point of view being the most considerable Ccochapata at 90%. Likewise, Toccoccori is still undecided with 50%. Therefore, the initial contact was not of absolute denial, on the contrary, according to the data most of the sectors had doubtful perspectives that could be modified.

Negative Perspective

The populations have the notion that their livelihood and environment is sacred; anyone cannot and should not enter their territory without proper authorization. These circumstances were weakening the ties that were being established between the Odebrecht company and the Communities. Society perceives, defines and evaluates that a certain threatening environmental context with the conditions of reproduction reaches a publicly constituted social response, aimed at its remediation or neutralization (Lezama, 2004). Each locality is directed and governed by a series of rules and principles among which respect for its environment and its protection prevail, they do not conceive the idea of ​​modifying ties of coexistence or allowing external entities to threaten their environment.

Conflicts that arise at the micro level, between multiple subsystems that make up a society, such as groups, families, clans, villages, institutions, etc., when resolved in accordance with the values, customs and laws of society, allow it to rearrange periodically and at different levels, that is, that social harmony and balance depend on a balanced position in institutions and social behavior (Gluckman, 1955). The modifications in their social and cultural environment are evident, the inhabitants of the Peasant Communities are thoughtful, worried and fearful about what may happen, they feel that allowing machines and other technological elements to come into contact with their environment will cause the punishment of the sacred entities that they venerate and respect. A framework that legitimizes violence is specified in attitudes, this form refers to aspects of culture that legitimize it through art, religion, philosophy, law, etc. (Galtung, 1989).

Cultural and structural violence are less visible, since more factors intervene in them, since detecting its origin, prevention and remedy is more complicated. Referring the forms of violence in local and regional spaces is important in order to glimpse their logics, meanings and particular meanings (Mejía, 2017). In this regard, the Andean worldview is varied and differential, the research shows the case, for example, of the Pachamama or “mother earth”, considered as a fundamental pillar of subsistence and food, in charge of providing products and means to live. The social actors involved in a conflict support their demonstrations based on practical evidence that they consider a true and objective clarification of reality (Zamora, 2017). According to their interpretation of the community members, the tutelary Apus (hills) that are located around their space have life and protect them, contact or destruction would cause punishment and perdition. It is complex to understand a cultural space that is key to internalizing different ways of life and thought. In this sense, each erroneous aspect was further increased the refusal of the project.

Causes of socio-environmental conflicts between the rural communities of Canas and the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project

Socio-environmental problems have different connotations and motivations oriented towards conflicting interests. It was possible to evidence the existence of a series of opposite reasons and benefits that broke the dialogue links until the project was rejected:

Wrong information in the workshops (MEIA)

The first point was related to the informative works and workshops, which were distorted and not very objective. Showing erroneous data for each sector in relation to: population, flora, fauna, water, sociodemographic, economic and health aspects. Leading to popular discontent and rejection.

Table 3 Most outstanding opinions and doubts within the workshops (MEIA). 

%
POSSIBILITY OF CARRYING OUT WORKS WITHIN EACH COMMUNITY (SCHOOLS, HEALTH POSTS, ETC.) 5%
ECONOMIC COMPENSATION FOR THE USE OF COMMUNAL LANDS 5%
ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION 65%
HIRING LOCAL LABOR 10%
COMMUNAL AREAS ALONG THE PROJECT LAYOUT 15%
TOTAL 100%

In relation to table 3. the residents show that the perspective with the greatest preponderance is “environmental pollution”. They consider that the gas pipeline could collapse and burst at some point, causing the desertification of productive soils, and they also speculate that these pipes would serve to carry their water reserves to other sectors (springs, springs, lagoons and rivers). The study corroborates in the sense that private companies, when entering a certain place to obtain income, carry out their activities without having a social and human perspective, they only think about obtaining profit and profit, leaving aside the social, cultural characteristics and economic that each place has (Harvey, 2004). In this way, the negative perception of this company is due to the irreversible socio-environmental impacts and risks associated with the exploitation of its natural resources, as well as the possible social consequences that its activities cause on local residents, without achieving a notable and permanent economic growth. in the affected areas, which have different representations and functions within their context.

The social system was born with clear objectives, absolutely pragmatic or utilitarian, concretized, hence man adapts to the environment, achieves his goals, preserves internal operating guidelines to stay integrated (Lorenzo, 2001). Indeed, within the communal context, they consider that each element fulfills a task, everything is functionally structured. There is a complex man-nature relationship to separate.

Private companies deprive communities of their ecological, economic, territorial and cultural worlds directed by transnational control (Harvey, 2004). Likewise, the company in its eagerness to achieve its purposes does not examine barriers or consequences, on the contrary, there is an abandonment of the State and delivery of its territories to the companies as a privatization strategy (Bolados, 2016). The study is consistent with the authors, revealing that companies make ridiculous payments to communities for the use and passage through their agricultural land, correcting losses, ways of life and territorial and economic dominance (profits), subordinate and discriminatory work (workers and young peons) and bribes to authorities and community leaders for the acceptance of the project. These circumstances caused the breakdown of communication relationships and consequently the refusal of the project.

Table 4 Final causes for project refusal. 

%
Wrong and insufficient information in the workshops (MEIA) 30%
Hiring local labor 5%
Bribes for project acceptance 10%
Minimum payments for the use of your land 10%
Break into the Communities without proper authorization 15%
Possible negative consequences that the project would cause (environmental, social, economic and cultural impacts) 30%
TOTAL 100%

In relation to table 4. It can be seen that the most prevalent causes are related to the negative consequences that the project would cause with 30%, in the same way the scarce and erroneous information in the MEIA 30% workshops, and finally aspects such as communal permits 15%, payments for the use and passage of land 10%, bribes 10% and hiring of local labor 5%. In general terms, the causes of the conflicts evoke the idea that the Peasant Communities are invisible social actors, considering them the poor of the countryside, the provincials of the sierra, whose Andes are full of rich natural resources that may end up being drained towards the country's capital. or the world metropolises, without giving opportunity to regional and local developments. The current global development model attributes a series of schemes that put the very survival of the human species at risk (La Rotta and Torres, 2017), while leaving the indelible environmental footprints of this type of project.

Participation of the State and private companies in the solution of socio-environmental conflicts in the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project

The participation of the Peruvian State in each stage and process of involvement that the company carried out went unnoticed, invisible and submissive. Despite having a preponderant role in socio-environmental conflicts; is the most important space in which to develop the debate at the ideological level and which has a major influence on the educational and operational level; Furthermore, is a political actor in structural adjustment processes and, the position it assumes in conflicts will depend on the levels of pressure and influence that national and international actors have over it (Homer, 1999). The coalition with the company was evident, allowing many negative actions to be overlooked, allowing the dissemination of wrong and contrary information to the population.

The State is the employer of violence and constructor of legality (Seoane, 2012). There is no doubt that every economic process always has hidden screens, since, it is a class power that is sustained by making laws more flexible so that the different designations of capital appropriate the productive and financial resources of their territories, with power relations constitutive of social ties, which is why they are inevitable (Wertheimer, 2019). The political economy of modern capitalism has transformed and is transforming the spaces that we could call local (Mc Phee, 2010). The State wanted to allow the pillage and cunning of the company on the environmental and cultural assets that each sector possesses, considering that “development” according to its approach is the transformation, extraction and destruction of natural spaces. Likewise, of forms of life established historically by the intellectual creativity of each inhabitant.

In this way, the daily experiences of peasant communities and companies are at stake. State means order and rationality to thrive in dimensions economic, productive, political, social and cultural. (Fontaine, 2003).

Conclusions

The perspective of the Peasant Communities of Canas regarding the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project underwent modifications over time. At the beginning, the Communities were anxious to know what benefits the new project would bring, with the passing of the days and the actions carried out by the company, its position changed to a negative image. From the beginning, they did not report adequately and in their native language (Quechua) the actions that generated a lack of understanding about the project activities; Also, the little participation, relationship and involvement with the Peasant Communities caused the project to be frowned upon; Entering into their natural, social and cultural environment without permission broke social relationships. On the other hand, the perspective of the Odebrecht company is represented by dissimilar problems that occurred with the different Peasant Communities of Canas due to certain welfare positions, private and political interests of some members of the population, which misrepresented the purpose and development of the activities of the company. On the other hand, they propose a series of social programs, which are intended to improve the economic and social situation of the populations involved in the construction of the project.

The causes of the Socio-Environmental Conflicts between the Peasant Communities of Canas and the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project are diverse, prevailing the scarce information of the company regarding the actions of the project within the informative workshops (MEIA), as well as the existing distrust due to unbalancing factors such as bribes, payment for the use of their land and the refusal of the company to carry out works in their Communities. In the same sense, providing false information about their localities despite allowing the corresponding investigations to be carried out and the asymmetric communication between the project and the populations. Likewise, due to the possible consequences that the construction would cause, predominantly environmental pollution, ecological imbalance and the modification of cultural factors in its environment.

The participation of the State and private companies in the solution of socio-environmental conflicts in the South Peruvian Gas Pipeline Project is imperceptible because their intervention within the actions of the project was limited, collaborating and having the environmental workshops and audiences as unique activities. In this sense, the company could not resolve the conflicts individually, it needed the support of the Peruvian State, which was not present. On the other hand, the social projects that it develops in the area, such as Beca 18, Programa Juntos and Pensión 65, do not benefit the entire population, some of whom are privileged. Also, within the Gasoducto Sur Peruano project a very permissive and flexible State is contemplated that allows arbitrariness and deception of the company in order to achieve particular benefits.

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Received: December 08, 2020; Accepted: February 12, 2021

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